Halliday, Arthur Malcolm (Arthur Malcolm Halliday) (Author), (John Finn) (Thesis advisor), (J. Donald Moon) (Thesis advisor)
This thesis tracks the development of an explicitly alternative theory of republicanism in rural America after the Revolution. In colonial America, urban mass politics proceeded from an understanding of the long British tradition of mob actions and politics “out of doors.” In cities, colonists engaged in collective movements to resist British policies and to engage with their government when all other means of doing so failed. For colonial farmers and backcountry settlers—who were easily and often ignored in political proceedings—the rich urban tradition of mass politics did not fit their geographical circumstances. Movements in rural Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and North Carolina adapted the premises and legitimizing drive of urban resistance movements—building a new tradition of an alternative politics for the countryside.
After the Revolution, many rural communities were again ignored by their governors and legislators. They turned to colonial-era rural politics, and added to it from their interpretations of republicanism and their new republican documents of government. As republican citizens, marginalized political voices could engage in a legitimizing discourse on republican theory as part of extralegal attempts to participate in American politics. Shays’ Rebellion represented the first coherent challenge to the republicanism of the new, and often politically conservative, American gentry. This movement articulated a belief in the illegitimacy of taxation without local knowledge, the need for responsive and responsible representatives, and the importance of the right of the people to judge the legitimacy of government actions and to interpret founding documents and political theory for themselves. After the writing, debate over, and ratification of the Constitution—which excluded voices of rural dissent at every opportunity—the developing theory of rural republicanism had a codified and officially endorsed foil in Federalist republican theory. The Whiskey Rebellion and Fries’ Rebellion responded to this new order, refining the theories expressed by Shays’ Rebellion and articulating them more coherently and with greater procedural, legitimizing rigor. While these movements were unsuccessful, they emphasize the need to seriously consider rural republican theory, as expressed in the actions and petitions of underserved communities. This alternative interpretation of the political underpinnings of the United States and the promise of the Revolution presents a challenge to the binary of Federalist republicanism and Anti-Federalist republicanism—and emphasizes the importance of implicit, action-based political theory for communities that are easily ignored in the machinations of status quo politics., 2016, Old URL: https://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/etd_hon_theses/1549, In Copyright – Non-Commercial Use Permitted (InC-NC)
Hutman, Rebecca Arthur (Rebecca Arthur Hutman) (Author), (J. Donald Moon) (Thesis advisor)
This thesis is grounded in field research conducted in Al Kora, a slum adjacent to Rabat, in which residents have recently been rehoused as part of the national slum eradication program. Field research revealed that the residents and government have defined slum differently which is leading to different perceptions of the project’s success: the government views slums as structures and sees the goal of slum eradication as their elimination and substitution; the slum dwellers define the slum holistically— as not only the structures, but as the interpersonal relations of the slum and the spatial and socio-economic marginalization that defines the slum space. The government views successful implementation as one that is cost-effective, increases the city's urban competitiveness, and reduces insecurity; residents view a success as long-term expansion of economic opportunity, housing upgrades that do not uproot their social relations and proximity to family, and a reduction in violence and the fear of violence.
From the fieldwork, I recognize that, despite the government's and residents' distinct aims, both parties shared a common motivation: security. The fieldwork in Al Kora is supplemented by fieldwork in another neighborhood, Sidi Moumen, where a more participatory mode of implementation was used. Comparing these two case studies reveals that expanding participation could advance their common security goals; additionally, the comparison revealed that creating more participation could more fully realize the kind of successful implementation imagined by the residents; greater participation could help address the grievances borne out of the slum eradication program as well.
Seizing on the common motivation, security, this thesis seeks to first understand the nature of the government's security motivation in launching the slum eradication program (chapter two). Then, using a game theoretic model, it asks whether or not the security motivation will be sufficient to incentivize the Moroccan government to adopt a more participatory approach to slum upgrading when confronted with their other interests in the program: cost-effectiveness and enhancing urban competitiveness (chapter three). The fourth and final chapter anticipates a time where the government is sufficiently incentivized to implement a more participatory approach to slum upgrading on a nationwide scale. It offers a template to understand how individual cities might best realize participation within their slum upgrading programs based on their unique contextual factors.
The frameworks proposed in chapters three and four can be used to increase resident participation in urban development projects in contexts where a) the government is motivated both by the capital accumulation aims that Harvey critiques and the security motivations, which fall outside the scope of Harvey’s analysis and b) where citizens are unwilling or unable to call for the type of systemic change that Harvey advocates., 2017, Old URL: https://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/etd_hon_theses/1771, In Copyright – Non-Commercial Use Permitted (InC-NC)
DiCandeloro, John Joseph (John Joseph DiCandeloro) (Author), (J. Donald Moon) (Thesis advisor)
To what extent are the Print and Digital revolutions comparable? Both communications revolutions are shown to be revolutionary in their own respects, although in sometimes contradictory ways, exacerbating social and political tensions. The Print and Digital revolutions are comparable primarily in the sense that they generate cultures of virtuality, systems that make the otherwise unavailable open for confrontation and use through mediation. Movable type and digital coding have reduced previously uncaptured areas of life to information that can be modeled and put to work for new purposes, exemplifying the reorientation toward fields of possibility inherent to the cultures of virtuality created by such communications revolutions., 2015, Old URL: https://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/etd_hon_theses/1488, In Copyright – Non-Commercial Use Permitted (InC-NC)
Though humans have always fought, we have made significant strides with just war theory and human rights norms. Contrary to the general trend of progress, though, the use of tactics such as terrorism and torture in modern warfare represent a leap backward into barbarity. This thesis explores moral questions created by the evolution of armed conflict from conventional state warfare to asymmetric conflict between state and non-state groups: Are the principles developed to limit violence in interstate warfare still applicable in modern conflicts? Revisionist accounts of how conflicts should be conducted seek to change the principles of just war theory and human rights conventions, arguing that the current conditions of armed conflict necessitate new rules. Some revisionists find tactics such as torture excusable (if not justifiable) for state actors but would not allow non-state actors to violate long-held prohibitions against killing civilians. Others argue that the rules must change for both sides so that weak non-state groups have a method through which they can advance potentially just claims that does not criminalize them as unjust combatants as do traditional versions of just war theory; these revisionists see terrorism as being potentially justifiable since just non-state groups may have no other options for making themselves heard. In both cases, the revisionist accounts call for the reexamination of previously denounced tactics. But are these accounts persuasive? This thesis examines the accounts from both sides. First, it considers the perspective of the non-state actor, using terrorism as a case study for the claim that a revisionist model of just war theory is required in modern, asymmetric conflicts. Then, I examine torture as a case study in parallel to terrorism in which state actors have a reason for deviating from just war principles in response to deviation by non-state actors. Finally I consider whether tactics deemed unjustifiable for general use in asymmetric conflict are permissible in moral disasters., 2016, Old URL: https://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/etd_hon_theses/1594, In Copyright – Non-Commercial Use Permitted (InC-NC)
Pensler, Leah Abigail (Leah Abigail Pensler) (author), (J. Donald Moon) (Thesis advisor), Wesleyan University College of Social Studies (Degree grantor)
This thesis explores the relationship between the climate and labor movements in the United States. In the first two chapters, I argue that this relationship varies widely throughout history and in the present day. Starting from the early twentieth century onwards, I explore historical examples of both collaboration and tension between the two movements. I then highlight and debunk common misconceptions of this relationship through a critical evaluation of the “jobs versus environment” narrative, which appears frequently in the media and in political discourse. Lastly, I investigate the circumstances necessary for gaining the labor movement’s support for the Green New Deal, paying particular attention to the proposal for a “just transition” away from fossil fuels. By examining this complex relationship between the two movements, I intend to highlight necessary strategies for strengthening collaboration and expanding the support of the just transition., In Copyright – Non-Commercial Use Permitted (InC-NC)
Tyner, Katie Rose (Katie Rose Tyner) (Author), (J. Donald Moon) (Thesis advisor)
In this senior thesis, I explore whether women who serve as the second or third head of government in a particular country are able to escape the “Iron Lady” leadership style trope that often defines the first. Do women always need to display stereotypically masculine traits to succeed in executive politics, or can they adopt different leadership styles once a country has experienced a succession of female executives? In order to address these questions, I developed what I hope will serve as three distinct contributions to the field of political science: the Ferrous Scale, the concept of Behavioral Representation, and the Learning Theory regarding political leadership. I test the theory in this thesis using the case study of New Zealand’s three female heads of government: Jenny Shipley (prime minister from 12/08/1997 to 12/05/1999), Helen Clark (prime minister from 12/05/1999 to 11/19/2008), and Jacinda Ardern (prime minister from 10/26/2017 to the present). I find that the New Zealand case study supports my Learning Theory., 2019, Old URL: https://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/etd_hon_theses/2127, In Copyright – Non-Commercial Use Permitted (InC-NC)